非洲：中国是发展中国家还是发达国家？

译者 有木有

Africa: China - 'Developing' or 'Developed' Country?

非洲：中国是发展中国家还是发达国家？ 作者： 赫瑞斯·坎贝尔

'China's aim to surpass the major capitalist powers, or to build 'an alternative economic system that can reclaim the earth and start the long road to human emancipation', asks Horace Campbell.

赫瑞斯·坎贝尔指出：中国是要超越资本主义列强，还是要建立另外一种足够强大的经济体系，以重新夺回地球的主导权，踏上人类解放的征程。

The COP 17 climate conference in Durban ended as expected, with no real agreement and commitment to reverse the destruction of the planet earth. Before and during this meeting, China positioned itself as a developing country so that it could align with the least developed societies from Africa, Asia and Latin America in calling for the countries of Western Europe, North America and Japan to stick to the Kyoto Protocol. In previous climate change meetings, the Chinese delegations had been reluctant to discuss any replacement of the existing Kyoto Protocol. The Kyoto Protocol, which was negotiated over 15 years ago before China exploded with its economic growth, only binds developed countries to cut their emissions. The treaty, the main provisions of which expire at the end of 2012, has been ineffective and failed to curb global emissions. In the United States (US), the most conservative forces have denied the existence of global warming, while the government failed to ratify the treaty.

第17届缔约方气候会议在德班闭幕：就如何扭转地球被破坏的局势，会议没有达成任何实质性的协议也没有得到任何承诺，但是这样的结局并不意外。无论是会议之前还是会议当中，中国一直把自己定位为发展中国家，这样就能够与来自非洲、亚洲以及拉丁美洲地区的最不发达国家共同要求欧洲、北美以及日本遵守《京都议定书》。在过去举行的气候变化会议中，中国代表都尽量避免参与任何有关取缔现行的京都议定书的讨论。现行的京都议定书是15年前商定的，它只对发达国家的排放量有限制要求，由于中国当时的经济还没有取得突发式的增长，并不在受限制的行列。其中的主要条款也将在2012年底到期，现在基本上已失去了应有的效力。而美国的极端保守力量甚至否认全球变暖的事实，政府也宣布退出京都议定书。

Throughout the COP17 meeting, representatives of the Global South presented the arguments of the consequences of global warming with the evidence of droughts, floods, hurricanes and the breakup of arctic ice. Island societies from Oceania and other parts of the world provided graphic evidence of the threats to their survival. One term that came out of this meeting was that of 'climate apartheid'. This formulation came out of the Africa group; Nnimmo Bassey, chair of Friends of the Earth International said that:

会议上，南半球国家的与会代表用干旱、洪涝、飓风以及北极冰川的崩裂这些事实说明了全球变暖所带来的后果；大洋洲及其他地区的岛屿国家，则用图片展现了他们生存所受到的威胁；非洲组提出了“气候隔离”的概念。尼蒙·贝西，国际地球之友组织的主席说：

'Delaying real action until 2020 is a crime of global proportions. An increase in global temperatures of 4 degrees Celsius, permitted under this plan, is a death sentence for Africa, Small Island States, and the poor and vulnerable worldwide. This summit has amplified climate apartheid, whereby the richest 1% of the world have decided that it is acceptable to sacrifice the 99%.'

“将实际行动推迟到2020年，是对整个地球居民的犯罪行为。照这样下去，全球平均气温将上升4摄氏度，届时非洲国家、小型岛屿国家以及那些贫穷而又脆弱的国家将迎来他们的末日。这次峰会为扩大气候隔离制度埋下了伏笔：世界上最富有的国家，只占总数的1%，但他们认为牺牲其余的99%的国家的利益是合理的"。

Massive mobilisations by progressive organisations ensured that the deliberations among governments were exposed. From the international reports on the COP 17 deliberations, even with the exposure of the catastrophic conditions of the international financial organs, the leading polluters continued to negotiate within the confines of the liberal concepts of voluntarily established clean development mechanisms. There continues to be stiff resistance to the truth that the planet has been brought to this stage because of the forms of industrialisation of the western capitalism over the past 200 years. Understandably, the US government was identified as the country that is the greatest obstacle to an agreement on reversing global warming. It was in the face of the clear isolation of the US in this meeting where Xie Zhenhua, head Chinese delegation, told journalists that China was willing to be part of a new, legally binding global agreement to mitigate greenhouse-gas emissions, which could come into force by 2020. China also sought to reassert its status as a 'developing country.'

多亏进步组织大量的工作，使各国政府间的商谈内容得以曝光。从国际上对这次会仪的报道，甚至是被曝光的国际金融机构的萧条的光景，都可以看出，几个主要的污染源制造国依旧是在自发建立的清洁发展机制的范围内泛泛而谈。要使西方资本主义国家承认地球目前这种糟糕的状况是他们在过去200多年间工业化导致的结果仍会遇到很大的困难。可以理解美国被认为是达成扭转全球变暖协议的最大阻碍。意识到美国被彻底孤立的原因，中国代表团领导解振华向媒体宣布中国将会响应减少温室气体排放的倡议，将会参与新的、2020年开始生效的、具有法定效力的的全球性协议。中国也会重新评估其发展中国家的身份。

This is a negotiating stand by the Chinese delegation where in some settings, the Chinese want multilateral agreements where China is judged as a developing country, while in other settings China seeks bilateral understanding with the US. It is this tension in the foreign policy of the Chinese that I want to take note of. This tension is a reflection of real divisions within China. There are two broad camps in the foreign policy establishment: Some thinkers and policy makers want Chinese foreign policy to reflect 'China's rise as a superpower', while other social forces within China continue to believe that the People's Republic of China must act in solidarity with the oppressed peoples of the world and work with the peoples of the South to change the international order. In this article, I draw from the debates within China on the necessary measures to combat global warming in the context of the teaching and study of international relations in China.

中国谈判的立场似乎带有双重的标准：在某些场合，中国希望被承认为一个发展中国家，在另外一些场合，中国寻求与美国之间平等的关系.。对外方针中的矛盾真实体现了中国内部意见不一致的事实，这也是我关注的焦点。目前有两大阵营：有些学者和决策者认为中国的对外政策应该体现出中国作为一个新晋升的超级大国的地位，而其它社会团体则依然认为中华人民共和国必须坚定的与世界上受压迫的民族站在一起，与南半球的人们共同努力，以打破现有的国际秩序。这篇文章摘录了国内关于如何采取必要措施制止全球变暖的讨论中的一些观点，这些观点都收录在中国国际关系教学与研究教材中。

It is important to note that since 2009, the top leadership of China has shown a clear commitment towards building a Green Economy. There is an understanding that the pace of urbanisation and the coal-driven industrialisation cannot continue much longer. To this end one can see the massive investments in research into renewable energy resources. This investment and the ambitious plans to achieve energy efficiency in China come at a moment when it was announced that China has been able to develop one of the fastest computers in the world. China now boasts more than 74 of the fastest super computers; the technology will enable China to move in the direction of putting on stream clean energy technologies. However, I argue that the question of cleaning up the environment cannot be resolved as a technical question, but must also be linked to political struggles.

认识到这点很重要：自2009年以来，中国政府高层领导明确得表达了建立绿色经济的决心。建立在煤炭经济基础上的城镇化和工业化进程撑不了多久，为改变这种经济发展模式，中国政府投入大量资本进行可再生能源的研究与开发，为提高能源利用效率制定了的雄心勃勃的计划。恰逢此时，中国向外界宣布已能制造出世界上运行最快的超级计算机。中国感到非常自豪，因为这样的超级计算机，她超过74台。拥有了这项技术，中国就可以向开发流体清洁能源技术的方向靠拢。尽管如此，我认为仅靠技术是解决不了环境问题的，它不是纯粹的技术问题，一定还会牵扯到政治博弈。

It is here that progressive forces must take courage from the new alliances built between the least developed countries, the Africa group and the Latin American Societies that are grouped in the Bolivarian Alternative for Latin America. Teachers and students in China can read C. L. R James who wrote that revolutionary changes are not decided in meetings such as COP17 or in parliaments, they are only ratified there. The people of China will decide whether they are moving towards modernisation and catching up and surpassing the major capitalist powers or building an alternative economic system that can reclaim the earth and start the long road to human emancipation.

进步力量必须学习这些来自非洲和拉丁美洲的最不发达国家的勇气，他们新建立了的一个叫做拉丁美洲玻璃瓦尔联盟的组织（为抗衡由美国提议的美国自由贸易组织）。中国的老师和学生可以看看西里尔·莱昂内尔·罗伯特詹姆斯的著作，他认为国会或者诸如COP17之类的会议对革命性的变化不会产生决定性的影响，只不过是提供签署文件的地方罢了。只有中国人民才能决定自己的方向，是要通过实施现代化去追赶并最终超过资本主义列强还是要通过建立另外一种足够强大的经济体系去重新夺回地球的主导权，踏上人类的征程。

At the end of November 2011, in preparation for the COP 17 meeting in Durban, the government of China issued a White Paper, 'China's Policies and Actions for Addressing Climate Change, Information Office of the State Council, The People's Republic of China.' The White Paper advanced legally binding targets for the next five years. These included a 17 per cent cut in carbon emissions, a 16 per cent decrease in energy use per unit of GDP, and a goal of lifting non-fossil-fuel energy usage from its current level of 8.6 per cent, to 11.4 per cent of total energy consumption.

2011年11月底，为了准备德班举行17届缔约方气候会议，中华人民共和国国务院新闻办发表“中国治理气候变化政策和行动”白皮书（即被赋予了法律效力），规划了未来五年的减排目标，碳排放量减少17%、单位GDP能耗减少16%、非化石能源消耗占总能源消耗的比例从现在8.6%提升到11.4%。

IS CHINA A DEVELOPING COUNTRY?

中国还是发展中国家吗？    

The document reflected the real contradictions within Chinese society with the neoliberal discourse on carbon trading and other ideas that centres World Bank discourse on meeting the challenges of global warming. Despite this discourse, this is an impressive document that spelt out the challenges facing the Chinese peoples:

这份文件真实地反应了中国社会面临的矛盾，有些来自新自由主义的碳交易论，另外一些观点则促使世界银行开始关注解决全球变暖问题。虽然讨论还在进行，这份文件还是道出了中国人民面临的挑战，令人印象深刻。

'China is the world's largest developing country, with a large population, insufficient energy resources, complex climate and fragile eco-environment. It has not yet completed the historical task of industrialization and urbanization and its development is unbalanced. China's per-capita GDP in 2010 was only a little more than RMB29,000. By the UN standard for poverty, China still has a poverty-stricken population of over 100 million, thus it faces an extremely arduous task in developing its economy, eliminating poverty and improving the people's livelihood. In the meantime, China is one of the country's most vulnerable to the adverse effects of climate change. Climate change generates many negative effects on China's economic and social development, posing a major challenge to the country's sustainable development.'

中国是世界上最大的发展中国家，人口众多，能源短缺，气候复杂，生态环境脆弱。目前，工业化和城镇化的目标还没完成，发展也不平衡。2010年中国人均GDP才稍高于2900人民币。按照联合国的贫困标准，中国仍有超过1亿贫困人口。因此，中国面临的经济发展的任务、消除贫困人口的任务以及提高人民生活水平的任务都极其艰巨。而且，中国还是最易受反常气候影响的国家之一。气候变化会给中国经济和社会发展带来很多的负面影响，对国家的可持续发展战略是个很大的挑战。

From this admission that millions of Chinese still live in poverty, the White Paper outlined strong commitments from China on fighting the obvious destruction that is so visible with the absence of clean drinking water and lakes that are being destroyed. Environmental degradation is now so severe that suffocating smog surrounds major highways and transportation arteries routinely. It is widely known that emissions of sulphur dioxide from coal and fuel oil, which can cause respiratory and cardiovascular diseases as well as acid rain, are increasing even faster than China's economic growth.

既然数百万计中国人仍生活在贫困线以下，饮用水的缺乏，湖水受到污染又会给这些民众生活和环境带来的破坏非常明显，中国在白皮书中郑重承诺要加强水资源治理。如今，环境退化非常严重，以致很多交通要道经常受到浓雾的致命侵袭。众所周知，煤炭和石油燃烧排放的二氧化硫正在逐年的增加，甚至超过了中国经济增长速度，它除了能造成呼吸道和心血管疾病，还是形成酸雨的主要物质。

Major publications of environmental groups can reel off the figures of environmental destruction in China: Over 500 million people without access to clean drinking water, rampant deforestation, 16 of the world's most polluted lakes, acid rain over two thirds of the Chinese territory, 58 per cent of the land arid and semi-arid, massive use of coal in Chinese industry etc. This information on environmental degradation is now reinforced by the reality that China is the top greenhouse gas emitting country. China's emission of greenhouse gases is not only a health problem for the Chinese people but also for its neighbours. Non-governmental organs and grassroots movements in China are in the forefront of challenging the mantra of economic growth that is at the base of this deepening destruction of earth.

大多数环保组织的刊物都能列出一大串中国生态环境遭受破坏的数据：超过5亿人口喝不到清洁的饮用水、森林被肆意砍伐、16个世界上受污染最严重的湖、2/3国土遭受酸雨侵蚀、58%的耕地处于荒芜或半荒芜状态、工业煤炭使用量巨大。中国温室气体的排放量已经位于世界前列，这是环境退化又一佐证。这些温室气体不仅仅关系到中国居民，还会影响到邻国居民的健康问题。鼓吹以破坏地球环境为代价的经济增长，遭到了中国的民间组织和草根运动组织的质疑，他们已成为反对浪潮中的先锋力量。

In the context of international negotiations of global warming, China's political leaders in positioned it as a developing country and sought alliances with societies from the global South to resist the pressures from Europe and the USA that because of its impressive economic growth, China should be classified as a developed country. In the same week that the government of China issued its White Paper on Climate Change, Martin Khor wrote an op-ed in the main English language newspaper, 'China Daily' under the heading, 'Is China still a developing nation?' Khor answered in the affirmative.

借助国际社会商讨全球变暖问题的时机，中国政府领导把中国定位为发展中国家并希望联合南半球国家以抵抗来自欧美国家的压力。因为中国的强势的经济增长，发达国家认为中国应该加入他们的行列。就在中国政府发表气候变化白皮书的那个星期，马丁·科尔在中国主流英文报刊《中国日报》上发表了专栏文章“中国仍是发展中国家吗”？科尔自己给予了肯定的回答。

He argued that despite pressures from the United States, Japan and the European Union for China to give up its status as developing country, China must resist this pressure and that the other countries should support China to maintain its developing country status. Khor repeated figures about the numbers of persons in China in poverty reproduced the figures of the Human Development Report 2011 that showed China at No. 101 of 187 countries with a HDI of 0.687, putting it in a category of 'medium human development'.

他认为尽管美国、日本和欧盟向中国施压，要求中国放弃发展中国家的身份，但是中国一定要顶住压力，维持发展中国家的身份，其他国家也应该支持中国。科尔在文中多次强调中国贫困人口的数量并重述2011人类发展报告的中数据，数据表明中国的HDI（人类发展指数）为0.687，在187参评国家中仅列在101位，属于中等发展水平。

Martin Khor pointed out that China was the number one polluter in absolute numbers because of its large population, but in per capita terms:

马丁·科尔指出因为中国人口数量庞大，虽然绝对污染数量排名第一，但是人均水平却很低：

'China's emissions level was 5.5 CO2-equivalent per person ranked 84 in the world. By contrast, the US' per capita emission was 23.4 CO2 equivalent, Australia's 27.3, Russia's 13.7, Germany's 11.9, Japan's 10.5, Singapore's 11.4, Malaysia's 9.2, South Africa's 9.0, Brazil's 5.4, Indonesia's 2.7, India's 1.7 and Rwanda's 0.4. Thus, as No. 91 country in the world in GDP per capita, No. 101 in human development index and No. 84 in per capita emissions, China is looking like, and is, a middle-level or even lower-middle level developing country, with not only all the developed countries ahead of it, but also many developing countries, too. China also shares the same characteristics of many developing countries. More than 700 million of its 1.3 billion people live in the rural areas, and in 2008 there was a large imbalance, with the urban disposable household income 3.3 times bigger on average than in rural areas.'

中国人均碳排放量为5.5CO2当量，世界排名84位；对比其它国家：美国为23.4，澳大利亚27.3，俄罗斯13.7，德国11.9，日本10.5，新加波11.4，马来西亚9.2，南非9.0，巴西5.4，印度尼西亚2.7，印度1.7、卢旺达0.4。因此，人均GDP排名91位、人类发展指数排名101位以及人均排放量排名84位的中国看上去是，实际上就是个中等甚至中下等发展水平的国家。不仅所有的发达国家，许多发展中国家在中国发展水平之上。中国当然有很多发展中国家的特征，13亿人口中，有7亿生活中农村。从2008年的数据来看，城乡发展产别很大，城镇家庭的平均可支配收入是农村家庭的3.3倍 。

WHAT IS AT STAKE?

有什么威胁？

These figures on the growing inequalities in China are also reflected in the political calculations and alliances inside China. While the pictures of the gleaming skyscrapers of Beijing, Shanghai and the mega cities present one image of booming China, outside of these cities are the homes of over 800 million rural folk. The rise of a vibrant capitalist class in China is consistent with a section of the society that is of the view that technical fixes can deal with the environmental degradation in the future, but for the present the most important task is for China to distinguish itself by speeding the processes of 'modernization.'  It is from this stratum where the realist intellectuals find a firm base of support in the Chinese Communist Party and in the military. In the field of International Relations and in the Universities, the dominant intellectual paradigm is that of 'realism' which in practice means that China must rise as a great power, if not a superpower.

中国经济发展不平衡也是政策上的考量。北京、上海等大城市灯火辉煌的摩天大楼呈现出一派繁华的景象，而市区之外则是超过8亿农村人口的普通民宅。生机勃勃、腰缠万贯的富人阶层能够在中国涌现与社会中这样一批人分不开的，他们把加速现代化进程使中国脱颖而出看成中国目前最重要的任务，遗留的环境问题可以通过科技手段在今后解决。正是在这一批人的影响下，现实主义才得到了中国共产党及军队的稳固支持。在国际关系中，在大学里，现实主义思维模式占据主要的位置，这意味着中国即使不能成为超级大国，也一定会上升为一个大国。

There is a section of Chinese capitalists inside mainland China with allies of Chinese in Hong Kong, Singapore and Taiwan who are working for the Chinese banking and investment forces to overtake Wall Street and to strengthen the economic capabilities of China to hasten the day when the Chinese economy will become dominant in the world. If, according to this group, the collateral considerations include the fact that China should now be treated just like the US or Europe in terms of international obligations, then so be it. From outside China there is no shortage of intellectuals - such as Henry Kissinger and Niall Ferguson   - who are of the view that China's rise will make the 21st century China's century and that there is a necessary convergence between the interests of the ruling elements in China and the US to keep international order.

部分大陆的富翁以及香港、新加波和台湾华人联盟正在为中国的银行和投资集团服务，以期赶超华尔街的金融实力，增加中国经济实力，使中国主导世界经济的那天早点到来。这个组织建议，如果有什么附加条款要求中国和欧美国家在国际事务中承担相同的责任，中国可以接受。在国外也不缺少看好中国的学者，比如亨利·基辛格、尼尔·弗格森，他们认为中国的崛起将使21世纪成为中国的世纪，因维持世界秩序需要，中美两国的执政理念会进行必要的融合。

There are many books coming out on China and the United States and the 'new Cold War' that it is often difficult to keep up. Titles screaming, 'The Beijing Consensus: How China's Authoritarian Model Will Dominate the Twenty-First Century' or 'When China Rules the World, The Rise of the Middle Kingdom and the End of the Western World' herald the rise of China as the next hegemon. Though these books start out from differing intellectual positions, their thesis meets where there is agreement that not only is China the next economic superpower, but the world order that it will construct will look very different from today's.

市面上有很多关于中国的书籍，也有很多关于美国以及新冷战思维的书籍，琳琅满目、目不暇接。通常标题非常惹眼：“北京共识：如何使中国的管理模式在21世纪独领风骚”或者“中国什么时候能够统治全世界，中部王朝的崛起、西方国家的末日”，似乎在预言中国将升为下一任霸主。尽管这些书籍是学者从不同的思维角度出发，但是却得到某些相同的结论：中国不仅会成为下个超级经济强国，而且她将建立的世界秩序与当今的世界秩序有很大不同。

This thesis of China as the new hegemon sends chills down the spine of the neighbours of China and many are now rushing to enter into treaties with the United States. For good measure there are many western scholars and commentators who argue that China is already an imperialist state and that the activities of Chinese companies and state enterprises in Africa reflect a new colonialism in Africa. Those intellectuals and leaders within China who call for good relations with neighbours and cooperation to resolve disputes are not heard about in the Western media. Conservative strategic institutes poke the fires of militaristic competition with graphs and figures about the modernisation of the Chinese military.

中国将成为下一个霸权的言论令周边国家感到恐惧，他们纷纷跑去与美国签订协约。此外，西方很多学者和时事评论员认为中国已经发展为帝国主义政权，中国企业，包括私企和国企，在非洲的投资行为是新一轮的殖民主义。但是对于呼呼与邻国发展友好关系，呼吁采取合作的方式解决争端的中国学者和领导，西方媒体却视而不见，听而不闻。保守派战略部门则试图用中国现代化军队的照片和数据挑起军备竞赛。

CHINA'S NEGOTIATING POSTURE

中国谈判的姿态

Some of the political leaders in China and their intellectuals seek to have it both ways, they want China to be recognised as a developing country and be treated as such in international fora such as the United Nations, the IMF and the World Bank while in other settings, the Chinese want to be treated with deference as a super-power. It is from these conservative figures where one sees Chinese Students being bombarded with books by Henry Kissinger and Samuel Huntington about international order.

有些中国的政府领导及其幕僚希望找到两全其美的方案，一方面，在一些国际性组织当中，比如联合国、国际货币基金组织以及世界银行，他们希望中国被列为发展中国家，并受到相应的待遇，在另外一些场合，他们则希望中国受到超级大国的待遇和尊重。 从这个角度出发，我们就可以理解为什么中国学生总是捧亨利·基辛格和萨缪尔·亨廷顿的有关国际秩序的书籍。

During the recent COP 17 meeting, the Chinese delegation caucused with the Third World countries in order to isolate the United States and rejected demands that China and India contribute equally with the advanced capitalist countries to fight climate change. While China was seeking to present a united front of countries from BRICS, the differing stance of South Africa, Brazil and India exposed the deep rifts between the BRICS countries on the question of Climate Change. Russia which had been classified as a developed country under Kyoto joined with Japan and Canada in refusing to join the second commitment period before COP17.

在近期举行的第17届缔方会议期间，为了孤立美国，也为了反对要求中国和印度与发达的资本主义国家为抵抗气候变化做同等的贡献，中国代表与第三世界国家代表举行了小组会议。中国希望金砖四国应该能够统一战线，但是南非、巴西和印度在对待气候变化的立场上却又存在很大的分歧。在京都议定书的框架下，俄罗斯已被列发达国家，因此，17届缔约方气候会议还没举行的时候，俄罗斯就加入了日本和加拿大的行列，若京都议定书的有效期被延长，则拒绝履行这一阶段的义务。

Early in the meeting, China had formed a negotiating block along with Brazil and India to demand that the Kyoto Protocol be extended. But the South Africans as the host of the meeting bowed to the intense pressures from the western capitalist states. India wanted to distinguish itself as a poor underdeveloped country and held out that India and other countries of the South should be exempt from binding carbon emission cuts because of their 'right to economic development'.

在会议开始的时候，中国与巴西和印度组成一个谈判小组，要求延长京都议定书的期限。但是作为东道主的南非，没有顶住来自西方资本主义国家的强大压力。印度则有意塑造一个贫穷的经济落后的国家形象，并坚持要求免去印度和其它南半球国家碳排放的限制，理由是这些国家有发展的权力。

When the two-week meeting was about to end without a serious agreement, the European Union sought to salvage the meeting by putting forth a 'roadmap.'

为期两周的会议临近结束，代表们没有达成任何严格意义上协议，此时，欧盟提出了相关“规划图”，试图挽回大会尴尬的局面。

Under this roadmap, there was the declaration that there would be a timetable for all societies to make emissions cut commitments by 2015, and by 2020, a legally binding agreement will take effect. From inside China, there was a muted acceptance of this ill-defined roadmap because according to the calculations, China was not seen as an obstacle as in the previous climate change meetings.

根据这个规划，2015年之前，商议出包含所有国家的减排承诺的时间表，在2020年前之前，协议付诸实施。尽管该协议的意义不甚明了，但中国可能采取默许的态度，因为根据分析，中国在过去的气候变化会议，没有唱过反调。

However, the oppressed countries did not have the same muted response to this 'roadmap.' From Latin America, from the least developed countries and from Africa there was agreement that this dithering will cook many in the Third World. Appropriately before the meeting Nnimmo Bassey had launched the book, 'To Cook a Continent: Destructive Extraction and the Climate Crisis in Africa.'

然而，那些受到压迫的国家不会采取和中国一样的默许的态度。在拉丁美洲、非洲以及那些最不发达的国家的民众的眼里，这种模糊的方案会让第三世界的人民饱受煎熬。就在会议举行临近时，尼蒙贝西发行了新书：《陷非洲于困境：毁灭性开采及气候危机》

RADICAL ALTERNATIVES NEEDED

彻底的变革

The Chinese people are faced with the massive resources needed to maintain the pace of economic transformation. For the past 30, years this transformation has strengthened a capitalist class inside China. This class is now the face of China in many parts of the world and intellectually this class has spokespersons that trumpet ideas about a peaceful rise. However, inside the society there are contending voices and within the Party there are those who want to see the pace of transformation strengthening the majority of the poor.

中国人民正面临经济转型期的资源供应问题。在过去的30年，经济转型造就了一批富翁，扩大了富人阶层的队伍。如今，这个阶层已经成为许多外国人眼中的中国的形象，也是中国和平崛起的代言人。然而，中国社会内部和党内也发出了不同的声音，他们希望经济转型的成果能更多的惠及贫苦大众。

Inside China, the evidence of workers' struggle against exploitation grows despite the lockdown on real news of popular struggles. International news reports of the current protests by workers in Wukan, a coastal village in Guangdong Province seep through major international outlets; some sections of the Chinese intelligentsia are silent on the root causes of these uprisings because these struggles for rights do not conform to the current buzz words about harmonious development and 'peaceful rise.' Struggles by the oppressed in China for better conditions have resulted in mass incidents: Strikes, sit-ins, rallies and violent clashes have been a necessary response to the exploitative sweat-shop conditions that reproduce the old forms of industrial capitalism.

尽管政府进行了信息封锁， 有越来越多的工人阶级反对剥削的事迹向外泄漏。最近，国际媒体关于广东乌坎村工人抗议事件的报道不胫而走。对于此次事件的缘由，中国的部分知识分选择了沉默，因为这种维权的形式违背了政府鼓吹的和谐发展与和平崛起的原则。那些感到受到压迫的人民，为争取更好的生存条件，发起了一系列的斗争。充满剥削与压榨的血汗工厂再现了工业资本家丑恶嘴脸，罢工、静坐、集会、暴力冲突则是工人对剥削与压榨的回应。

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Martin Khor is correct to argue that the rest of the Third World ought to support China to maintain its status as a developing country because, 'if China is pressurized to take on the duties of a developed country and to forgo its status and benefits of a developing country, then many other developing countries that are ahead of China (at least in per capita terms) may soon be also asked to do the same. Thus China's fight to retain its developing country status is of interest to other developing countries, for they will be next if China loses that fight.'

马丁·科尔呼呼第三世界国家应当支持中国维持发展中国家的身份是正确的。如果中国被迫放弃发展中国家的身份和优惠而去承担发达国家的职责，那么不用多久许多排名高于中国的发展中国家（至少人均指标是这样）也会被迫效仿中国。如果中国在这场争论中失利，那么他们将会步中国的后尘，因此，中国力争维持发展中国家的身份符合其它发展中国家的利益。

This author concurs with such a posture with the understanding that the solidarity must work both ways. Such a position would require that China deepen its political and economic relations with the Third World in a way which would distinguish Chinese companies and corporations from western capitalist corporations. This would deepen the internationalism and solidarity of the era before China embarked on 'reforms.' As a corollary of the reform period, the Chinese establishment has taken on the discourse of the World Bank; hence there is the reproduction of the language of Clean Development Mechanisms.

作者也很认同这个观点，认为中国与第三世界国家保持团结对双方都有利。中国会加强与第三世界国家之间的政治与经济合作，中国公司与这些国家的关系比西方资本主义公司与这些国家的关系更加密切。在中国进行改革之前，第三世界国家的国际化和团结将会得到巩固。承担世界银行的角色将是中国进行改革的必由之路，届时世界又会回到一个清洁发展机制的框架下。

I followed  the deliberations on the mitigation fund and noted that many of the same governments in Africa that were calling for this fund have billions stashed away in foreign banks.

我关注过辅助基金的评审，发现很多申请该基金的非洲国家在国外银行存有数十亿的秘密资产。

The urgency of making a break with the old polluting industries now requires a new mode of economic organisation. Chinese society started this break in 1949 and political reorganisation is now needed so that the society can work with others in the oppressed world to reverse the destruction of the planet. There should be no need for a schizophrenic foreign policy. Foreign policy solidarity and eschewing big power ambitions will strengthen the task of making a break with old forms of capitalist relations.

要摆脱旧式污染型工业需要构建一种新的经济组织。中国从1949年已开始骈弃这种工业模式，如今需要的是调整政策方针，使中国能够与世界其他受压迫的国家合作，共同抵制全球变暖的举措。中国没有必要寻求双重标准的外交政策。保持一致的外交方针和韬光养晦的政策将会有助于甩脱资本主义模式。

from 译言-每日精品译文推荐 http://article.yeeyan.org/view/261276/242273